A Tale of Two Sectors: How Financial Double Standards Expose the Poorest to Risk

When taking the G20 gavel, President Cyril Ramaphosa announced that he will focus on problems of debt sustainability in low income countries. He made it clear that the first African Chair of the G20 is there for all of Africa, acknowledging the continent is home to 22 of the world’s 26 low income countries—half  of which are at high risk of debt distress.

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In low income countries, both the public and private sectors suffer from original sin, where the domestic currency cannot be used to borrow abroad or to borrow long term domestically.  Their borrowing is denominated in hard currency, most often USD.

Original sin has been identified by the IMF as a key variable in debt surges.  It is responsible for 35% to 50% of debt to GDP increases in crises when local currencies depreciate, inflating  the cost of hard currency debt in local currency terms.

Although the sovereign debt crisis is deep, the African banking sector is currently doing surprisingly well, as noted by Fitch. The question is why, since both sectors—the government and the banks—suffer equally from original sin.

The answer is that central banks impose strict regulations and limitations on the open currency risk that supervised financial institutions may take. In Kenya, this is no more than 10% of equity, 15% in Zambia, and 20% in Rwanda. This is less than 5% of a bank’s balance sheet.  By imposing these limits, central banks fulfill their core function of protecting the consumers of financial services.

Not only do central banks apply these limits, but official lenders do so as well. Official development institutions provide loans to local banks providing financial services to domestic corporates and micro, small, and medium sized enterprises. Since official lenders want their money back, they consequently follow local central bank regulations or apply a cap on foreign currency exposures of 25% of the borrowing bank’s equity.

Strikingly, no similar measures are applied to the public sector. No regulator prevents governments from taking large open currency risk positions. No official lenders impose prudential currency risk ratios. They look the other way whilst they offload an increasingly heavy currency risk burden on low-income countries. According to UNCTAD between 70% and 85% of emerging and low income country debt is in a foreign currency.

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The double standard is corrosive of otherwise prudent efforts to regulate the banking system. Banks lend to the public sector, where that public sector is exposed to currency risk. A recent World Bank paper finds that banks’ exposure to their governments in low-income countries had increased by 50% over the past 12 years. It concludes that at least 20% of banks with high government exposure would become undercapitalized if just 5% of the government debt is written off. Given that half of these highly exposed banks are in countries with a government facing high debt risks, this is a ticking time bomb.

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Debt crises like those in African countries today lead to calls for debt relief and expanded role for official development lenders such as IDA, the World Bank’s arm focusing on the poorest countries. IDA has just received its highest capital increase ever, which suggests that its financial footprint in low-income countries will be even greater going forward. But this only underscores the absence of adequate prudential regulation of its lending to the governments of such countries. It and other multilateral lenders do too little to alert borrowers to currency risk. They do not offer alternatives such as (indexed) local currency loans. By denominating their loans in USD, they offload from their own balance sheets a currency risk that fragile borrowers cannot manage.

A new United Nations report suggests that better capitalized official lenders should be able to shoulder additional local currency risk, especially insofar as they acquire diversified portfolios of local currency bonds. They should ramp up technical assistance and capacity building on foreign exchange risk management in their client countries.  And they should provide currency hedging instruments, either directly or through markets and NGOs.

Brazil, last year’s G20 Chair, has ample experience in tackling currency risk. In its roadmap it calls on multilateral lenders to increase the quality and expand the quantity of local currency financing options and to complement this with technical assistance. South Africa, this year’s G20 Chair, could strengthen this dialogue by calling on multilateral lenders to tackle the double standard and apply suitable risk management practices to their lending practices.

Ruurd Brouwer, CEO, TCX
Barry Eichengreen, Professor of Economics and Political Science, University of California, Berkeley
All views expressed by members are their own and not reflective of the views of the Bretton Woods Committee.

Kisan Credit Card: Is limit enhancement enough?

Enhancement of the limit is not sufficient to make the scheme more accessible or beneficial to a broader section of farmers. The repayment schedule is also a significant challenge.

Budget 2025 is one of the most promising Budgets in recent years, aiming to address the needs of the masses after a long time. One of its key announcements, the enhancement of interest subvention limit on the Kisan Credit Card (KCC) is undeniably a great move. However, there is this growing perception that increasing the credit limit will benefit all farmers. The reality, however, is more nuanced. Raising the interest subvention on short-term credit limit from ₹3 lakh to ₹5 lakh is likely to benefit only large farmers, not the majority of small and marginal farmers.

The KCC provides both short-term and term credit, depending on farmers’ needs. Short-term credit is primarily used for operational costs, determined by district-level technical committees and the size of a farmer’s landholding. An additional 30 per cent credit limit is also provided for household consumption and farm maintenance. While there is no upper limit on short-term loans under KCC, the interest subvention previously capped at ₹3 lakh has now been raised to ₹5 lakh. However, the criteria for term credit remain unchanged, so this discussion will focus solely on short-term credit.

As mentioned earlier, KCC is highly dependent on landholding size, which influences the credit limit eligible for interest subvention. This means that farmers who previously couldn’t access credit beyond ₹3 lakh will still not benefit from the increase. Only those with sufficiently large landholdings — who were already capable of borrowing above the previous limit — will now receive interest subvention on a higher amount.

Misleading figure

The claim that 7.7 crore farmers will benefit from this policy may be misleading. This figure represents all KCC holders, but not all will gain from the increased limit. Nonetheless, the role of KCC in improving farmers’ financial security remains crucial. The scheme has facilitated financial inclusion and farm insurance, helping even marginal farmers move away from exploitative informal credit sources. Studies have shown that the availability of credit has a significant impact on farmers’ income and KCC has enabled numerous farmers to sustain better by making crucial inputs accessible.

While raising the subvention limit was long overdue, it is not sufficient to make the scheme more accessible or beneficial to a broader section of farmers. Several challenges persist, the most significant being the repayment schedule. Farmers are required to repay the loan within 12 months, but agricultural income does not ensure a regular cash flow. Even after harvest, cash inflows may be delayed, making timely repayment difficult.

Introducing a repayment deferment period, allowing farmers to start loan repayment after a couple of months and extended repayment tenure, would provide much-needed flexibility, enabling small farmers to manage their credit more effectively and make better farming decisions. For short-term loans, an additional 10 per cent credit limit is provided under KCC for household expenses, which needs to be revised considering the ever-increasing cost of living.

Furthermore, Indian agriculture has an underdeveloped system for integrated farming mainly owing to the higher cost of implementation. Even though integrated farming has shown significant income growth for small farms which is the key highlight of Indian agriculture, this opportunity has not been tracked. Incorporating special provisions for integrated farming through KCC may help to increase farm income.

Data transparency

Information regarding KCC is fairly opaque and there is no publicly available data regarding the credit limit, credit utilisation, and repayment timeline, so it makes it quite unclear how much beneficiaries would benefit from this increased credit limit.

Currently, only data on KCC disbursement is reported, making it difficult to assess the scheme’s inclusivity for small and marginal farmers. Several primary studies have highlighted their limited participation, but this issue will remain unresolved unless comprehensive data on credit allocation and utilisation are made publicly available. Providing more transparent data would help policymakers and researchers evaluate the scheme’s real impact and address existing gaps more effectively.

There is a lot this scheme needs, however, increasing the subvention limit could be a significant step forward. Increasing the personal use limit from 10 per cent to higher, providing repayment deferment, and provisions to promote the implementation of integrated farming through KCC could benefit the smallholder and marginal farmers much more significantly. Better data availability on KCC would help contribute to greater knowledge creation unveiling the unseen issues this scheme may have.

The writer is Research Associate at National Council of Applied Economic Research. Views are personal.

Policy layering & execution: Mind the gap

A shift in focus from continuous expansion to ensuring sustainability and effectiveness of programmes is imperative for achieving policy success.

The world is at a crossroads, navigating unprecedented economic, technological, geopolitical, and environmental challenges. Donald Trump’s uncompromising “America First” policies and the use of coercion to achieve his objectives have heightened economic and geopolitical uncertainties, compelling nations to strike a balance between global integration and self-reliance. Against this backdrop, the finance minister presented a Budget that articulated the multipronged strategy adopted by the government to navigate these challenges and seize emerging opportunities. The Budget is anchored on a well-designed framework founded on four key pillars of the economy: agriculture, micro, small, and medium enterprises (MSMEs), manufacturing, and exports, incorporating a strategic mix of structural reforms, targeted investments, productivity growth, skill development, digital transformation, innovation, and green energy on the supply side. This is besides enhanced consumer spending power on the demand side to drive growth and competitiveness, while addressing social welfare concerns.

However, the thrust has been on announcing new programmes and policies across the four sectors, in addition to existing ones. This phenomenon, known in emerging literature as policy accumulation or policy layering, raises concerns about the effectiveness of implementation and governance.

Over the past few years, India has witnessed phenomenal policy dynamism, with policies/programmes piling up across sectors. However, this has not been reflected in macroeconomic indicators of structural change, growth, and competitiveness. Could it be that the ever-increasing policy stock, without commensurate strengthening of administrative and governance capacities, has resulted in an implementation deficit that negatively affects policy effectiveness? This issue is explored at the sector level, with a focus on MSMEs.

A major highlight of the Budget is enhanced support for MSMEs, through a revision of the classification criteria that enables businesses to scale efficiently without losing government benefits. The investment limits for MSMEs are set to increase 2.5 times with micro-enterprises’ limit rising from Rs 1 crore to Rs 2.5 crore, small enterprises from Rs 10 crore to Rs 25 crore, and medium ones from Rs 50 crore to Rs 125 crore. Turnover limits are also proposed to double, with micro-enterprises increasing from Rs 5 crore to 110 crore, small enterprises from Rs 50 crore to Rs 100 crore, and medium enterprises from Rs 250 crore to Rs 500 crore. To further support MSMEs in achieving economies of scale, the Budget directly addresses their most pressing challenge — access to finance — through several new initiatives, including a Rs 5 lakh credit card for micro-enterprises registered on the Udyam portal, a loan scheme targeting first-time entrepreneurs (particularly women and Scheduled Caste/Scheduled Tribe applicants), enhanced credit availability with a guarantee cover for MSMEs, start-ups, and exporters, an extension of tax benefits under Section 80-IAC to all eligible start-ups incorporated before April 1, 2030, a deep tech Fund of Funds to catalyse next-generation start-ups, and an Export Promotion Mission to facilitate export credit access, cross-border factoring support, and assistance in overcoming non-tariff barriers.

The fact is that numerous government schemes have already been launched or revamped over the past two decades to support MSMEs. These include Mudra loans for financial assistance, the Credit Guarantee Fund Scheme, the Zero Defect Zero Effect certification scheme to encourage quality manufacturing, the Prime Minister’s Employment Generation Programme for micro-enterprise establishment, the Credit Linked Capital Subsidy Scheme for technology upgrades, the Micro and Small Enterprises Cluster Development Programme for common facility centres and industrial estate upgrades, and the Reserve Bank of India (RBI)-initiated Restructuring of Advances scheme for loan restructuring under specific conditions. Yet, their effectiveness remains questionable. An analysis of the World Bank’s Enterprise Survey for India (2022) reveals that out of 9,003 MSMEs, only 663 (7.4%) reported receiving any government support in the previous fiscal year. Among them, 40% found the schemes ineffective in driving business growth, implying that only 4.4% MSMEs benefitted meaningfully. The most accessed schemes were the Cluster Development Programme (155 enterprises, 35.5% satisfaction), Restructuring of Existing Loans (141 enterprises, 75% satisfaction), Mudra loans (80 enterprises, 56% satisfaction), and the production-linked incentive scheme in textiles, food, and miscellaneous sectors (75 enterprises, 89% satisfaction). Other schemes had minimal impact. The overall low adoption and satisfaction rates suggest an implementation gap.

One of the primary challenges faced by MSMEs is delayed payments from larger companies, leading to cash flow shortages and inadequate working capital. The MSME Act, 2006, (Section 16) mandates that buyers must settle dues within 45 days of accepting goods or services, failing which they are liable to pay compound interest at thrice the RBI-notified bank rate. However, compliance remains weak. To address this, the RBI introduced the Trade Receivables Discounting System (TReDS) in 2014, enabling MSMEs to discount invoices via an auction mechanism. According to survey data, out of 814 MSMEs that uploaded invoices on a TReDS platform, 452 received funding, with 97% securing it within 45 days. However, adoption remains low, with only 962 enterprises (less than 11%) of the 9,003 surveyed registered on the platform. In 2017, the government also launched the MSME SAMADHAAN-Delayed Payment Monitoring System, yet 45% MSMEs selling on credit in the sample still reported payment delays, negatively impacting liquidity.

Evidently, extreme policy dynamism —introducing multiple programmes each year while maintaining existing ones — can overburden bureaucracy, strain resources, and compromise the implementation of initiatives. A shift in focus from continuous expansion to ensuring sustainability and effectiveness of programmes is imperative for achieving policy success.

The writer is senior advisor, Agriculture, Industry, Trade, Technology and Skills Team, National Council of Applied Economic Research. Views are personal.

Gendered time use, body mass index, and well-being among adolescents in resource-poor settings in India: The adverse role of domesticity

We investigated how adolescents’ time allocation across daily activities influences their body mass index and well-being by paying explicit attention to gender and activities relevant to low- and middle-income countries (LMICs). We hypothesized that the inequitable domestic burden shouldered by girls adversely affects their health and well-being. Using data from three waves of the Young Lives Longitudinal Survey (2009, 2013, and 2016) tracking 1891 children aged 8, 12, and 15 from predominantly rural, low-income households from South India, we analyzed gendered time use patterns and their implications. Girls spent more time on caregiving, housework, and studying at home, while boys allocated more time to school, leisure, and sleep. Random effects models revealed that time spent on caregiving and housework increased the likelihood of being overweight or obese among girls, whereas leisure time reduced it. Time in school was positively associated with girl’s thinness, as was time spent on sleep for both boys and girls. Gender moderated the effects of time spent on housework and unpaid economic tasks on thinness, reducing its likelihood for girls. Subjective well-being improved with time spent in school and studying for all adolescents. Fixed effects models revealed it worsened for girls engaged in paid work and boys engaged in leisure. Longer sleep hours improved boys’ well-being. These findings underscore that gendered time use patterns, particularly girls’ unequal burden of domestic responsibilities, contribute to their increased risk of overweight and obesity. Addressing these disparities is crucial for improving adolescents’ health and well-being in resource-poor settings in LMICs.

Reciprocal Tariffs Could Disrupt $9.7 Trillion in Trade Finance

The global banking system has faced mounting disruptions in recent years, from the 2008 financial crisis to the COVID-19 pandemic. Now, another force is threatening to reshape the financial landscape: the rise of reciprocal tariffs and protectionist trade policies. The idea of reciprocal tariffs appears straightforward: if a country imposes tariffs on U.S. goods, the United States will respond in kind. While framed to correct trade imbalances and protect domestic industries, its effects extend far beyond manufacturers, exporters, and importers. It also threatens to reshape global banking, distort financial flows, and force banks to rethink risk models to maintain prudential resilience.

Trade finance, valued by some at $9.7 trillion in 2024, represents a critical yet often invisible infrastructure that funds over 80% of global trade transactions. (Estimates vary based on different definitions and methodologies used.) Traditionally, this was considered a low-risk sector with default rates below 0.5%. Banks play a pivotal role in this ecosystem. They underwrite transactions through instruments like letters of credit, supply chain financing, and export credit guarantees. Banks and financial institutions must now reckon with a new, uncertain trade finance landscape.

As trade policies become increasingly protectionist, banks confront three new realities in which global trade finance faces heightened risks. One of the primary concerns is the potential for tariffs to disrupt supply chains, compelling banks to reassess corporate creditworthiness and trade finance exposure. A second challenge is the macroeconomic impact of tariffs, which tend to raise consumer prices without necessarily boosting economic activity. Finally, while some see opportunities in this shifting environment, there is a growing recognition that trade finance must adapt to an era of economic fragmentation. The need for diversification, alternative payment mechanisms, and resilient financing structures is becoming more urgent. These three developments point to a future in which banks that finance global trade must recalibrate their risk models and trade finance strategies.

History suggests that when global trade undergoes structural shifts, trade finance adapts. Two significant transformations in trade finance have occurred in the past century, both driven by seismic shifts in international trade patterns. The post-World War II era saw the emergence of structured global trade finance. Institutions like Export Credit Agencies helped finance trade for postwar economies. This era saw the formalization of letters of credit, providing a standardized framework for banks. The globalization and digitization era introduced SWIFT messaging for trade transactions, Basel-driven prudential norms, and digitized trade finance platforms. Banks began integrating trade finance into capital markets, leading to innovations like trade receivables securitization and blockchain-based settlement systems. With reciprocal tariffs, supply chain realignments, and the emergence of alternative trade finance models, we could enter a third major transformation in trade finance — one not driven by financial innovation but by geopolitical realignments and statecraft.

There is also a risk of unintentional consequences. Though designed to shield U.S. industries, reciprocal tariffs may adversely affect American banks. For example, during the 2018–2019 U.S.-China trade war, China slashed U.S. soybean imports by 75%, triggering loan defaults and bankruptcies among American farmers. Regional banks, particularly in the Midwest, saw increased non-performing loans tied to agricultural lending. Another looming concern is inflationary pressure and interest rate hikes. Tariffs increase the cost of imports, leading to inflation and potential Federal Reserve rate hikes. Higher interest rates could raise business borrowing costs, increasing default risks across multiple industries, including manufacturing, real estate, and retail.

This could have regional and global implications. As traditional trade regimes get disrupted, new trade finance centers may emerge. Financial hubs like Hong Kong and Singapore must adapt to intra-Asian trade, just as European banks, including Deutsche Bank and HSBC, are shifting toward intra-European and emerging-market trade finance. At the same time, alternative trade finance systems are growing. China, Russia, India, and the UAE are increasing local currency trade settlements, bypassing the U.S. dollar. If this trend accelerates, it could erode the dominance of U.S. banks in global trade finance.

There is little doubt that reciprocal tariffs, once seen as a temporary trade correction tool, will reshape global banking and trade finance if implemented. Large banks traditionally involved in international trade might have business and strategic ingenuity, apart from having a closer axis to governments and policymakers. The middle segment of the banking industry might be unable to adapt to this shifting landscape and risk collateral damage in the broader battle over trade and financial dominance.

The world must act swiftly to mitigate risks to the existing trade finance order, strengthen trade finance mechanisms, and ensure financial stability — or face a future in which trade finance becomes another battleground in the geopolitical struggle for economic influence.

Udaibir Das is a Distinguished Fellow at ORF America, a visiting professor at the National Council of Applied Economic Research, a senior non-resident adviser at the Bank of England, a senior adviser of the International Forum for Sovereign Wealth Funds, a distinguished visiting faculty at Kautilya School of Public Policy, and a Senior Advisor and Program Leader at the Toronto Center. He was previously at the Bank for International Settlements, the International Monetary Fund, the Reserve Bank of India, and the Bank of Guyana.

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