Women’s Labour Market Potential: Unpaid Care Work and the Formalisation of Part-time Employment

This paper investigates the macroeconomic and labour market implications of gender equality in unpaid care work and the formalisation of part-time employment in India. The unequal distribution of unpaid care responsibilities significantly limits women’s labour force participation, perpetuating gender disparities in employment and economic outcomes. Using the McCall–Mortensen macroeconomic job search framework, this paper models the potential impacts of policy interventions on female labour force participation rates. A key contribution of the paper is to derive quantitative estimates via model simulation. We find that formalising part-time employment contracts and equalising the time burden of unpaid care work between genders predict a 6 percentage point increase in female LFPR, raising the current rate from 37% to 43%. The findings underscore the critical need for formalising part-time employment contracts in India.

NCAER News: December 2025

NCAER News is a monthly digest where you can learn about NCAER’s research outputs, its latest events, and offerings.

Obesity, Socioeconomic Transitions, and the Evolving Social Gradient of Non-Communicable Diseases in Low- and Middle-Income Countries

Non-communicable diseases (NCDs) are now the leading cause of premature mortality in low- and middle-income countries (LMICs), accounting for more than 80% of early NCD deaths worldwide. As LMICs undergo rapid demographic, nutritional, and epidemiological transitions, obesity has emerged as a central driver of cardiometabolic risk—particularly among women. Although NCDs have long been characterised as “diseases of affiuence” in developing country settings, accumulating evidence suggests that this social gradient is weakening. New longitudinal evidence from India provides timely insights into how rising obesity may be reshaping the distribution of NCD risk across socioeconomic groups [1].

Using two waves of the nationally representative panel data from the India Human Development Survey (IHDS) 2004-05 & 2011- 12, which followed more than 24,000 women of reproductive age over seven years, Barik(2025) assessed the risk of developing non- communicable disease (NCDs) like hypertension, diabetes, or heart disease among the overweight/obese women. The study demonstrates that overweight and obesity significantly increase the likelihood of subsequent NCD onset, independent of age, education, caste, and household economic status. Crucially, the analysis shows that the rich–poor gap in NCD risk narrows sharply once women become overweight or obese, indicating that excess body weight acts as a powerful leveller of disease risk across socio-economic strata.

This finding resonates with emerging evidence from other LMICs. In Bangladesh, analyses of Demographic and Health Survey data have documented rapid increases in overweight and obesity among urban women across both wealthy and poorer households. While NCD prevalence remains higher among richer women, obesity- related metabolic risk factors—such as hypertension and raised blood glucose—are increasingly observed among women from lower wealth quintiles, particularly in urban settings [2]. Studies from Bangladesh suggest that once high BMI is established, socioeconomic advantage offers limited protection against cardiometabolic risk, mirroring the convergence observed in India.

Similar patterns are evident across sub-Saharan Africa, where obesity prevalence—especially among women—has risen sharply over the past two decades. In countries such as Ghana, South Africa, and Kenya, obesity is no longer confined to affiuent urban elites. Nationally representative surveys show that overweight and obese women from poorer households face risks of hypertension and diabetes comparable to those of wealthier women once BMI is accounted for. In several African settings, the association between socioeconomic status and hypertension weakens substantially after adjusting for adiposity, indicating that obesity increasingly mediates NCD risk across income groups [3].

Together, these findings point to a broader global shift: obesity is progressively eroding traditional socioeconomic gradients in NCDs across LMICs. While absolute disease burden often remains higher among wealthier populations—owing to better diagnosis and longer survival—the marginal effect of obesity on NCD risk appears strikingly similar across economic strata. This has profound implications for public health policy, which in many LMICs continues to implicitly prioritise affiuent or urban populations in NCD prevention strategies.

The Indian evidence is particularly valuable because of its longitudinal design, which overcomes a major limitation of much LMIC research that relies on cross-sectional data. By tracking changes in BMI over time, the study shows that women who remain chronically overweight have the highest risk of developing NCDs, while those who return to normal BMI experience a significantly lower risk. This dynamic perspective reinforces the importance of mid-life and reproductive-age interventions, a finding that aligns with cohort evidence from South Asia and Africa showing that weight gain during early adulthood strongly predicts later cardiometabolic disease.

The policy relevance of these results extends beyond India. Across LMICs, reproductive years represent a critical but underutilised window for obesity and NCD prevention among women. Pregnancy- related weight gain, declining physical activity, and changing diets contribute to sustained overweight, yet health systems often disengage once maternal and child health goals are met. Integrating weight management, nutrition counselling, and routine screening for hypertension and diabetes into maternal and primary care services could yield long-term benefits in India, Bangladesh, and sub-Saharan Africa alike.

At the same time, the study underscores persistent challenges in NCD surveillance. Reliance on self-reported diagnoses likely underestimates disease prevalence among poorer women with limited access to screening—a concern echoed in African and South Asian contexts. If underdiagnoses disproportionately affects disadvantaged groups, the observed convergence in NCD risk across wealth strata may in fact understate the true extent of inequality erosion driven by obesity.

In conclusion, longitudinal evidence from India adds to a growing body of global research demonstrating that obesity is transforming the social patterning of NCDs in LMICs. The convergence of disease risk across economic groups once overweight is established challenges outdated notions of NCDs as diseases of prosperity. Effective prevention will require population-wide strategies that prioritise healthy weight maintenance across the life course, rather than narrowly targeting the affiuent. As countries across South Asia and sub-Saharan Africa confront parallel transitions, addressing obesity among women must become central to equitable global NCD policy.

References

  1. Barik D (2025) Risk of Developing NCDs in Later Life among the Overweight and Obese Women in India: Insights from a Nationally Representative Longitudinal Margin: The Journal of Applied Economic Research 19(2): 1-18. https://doi. org/10.1177/00252921251394148
  2. Das S, Debnath M, Sarkar S, Rumana AS (2022) Association of overweight and obesity with hypertension, diabetes and comorbidity among adults in Bangladesh: evidence from nationwide Demographic and Health Survey 2017-2018 data. BMJ Open 12(7): e052822. [crossref]
  3. Yaya S, Ekholuenetale M, Bishwajit G (2018) Differentials in prevalence and correlates of metabolic risk factors of non-communicable diseases among women in sub-Saharan Africa: evidence from 33 BMC Public Health 18(1): 1168. [crossref]

New labour codes target job growth, but skill gap may limit impact

India’s economic growth has not eased job insecurity, as employment expansion has remained modest and job quality weak, especially outside agriculture. Manufacturing and services saw limited employment growth between 2012 and 2023, while agriculture’s shrinking share pushed more workers into non-farm sectors that are becoming less labour-intensive even as their economic output rises.

Economic growth has not reduced the precarious nature of employment in India. Yet, policy discussions tend to focus on job creation and less on job quality. Can the new codification of labour laws address the twin issue of quantity and quality of jobs?

Between 2012 and 2023, employment growth in the manufacturing sector averaged at 2%, and at 3% for the services sector. Meanwhile, agriculture’s share in total employment fell from 48% to 44% over this decade, putting immense pressure on the non-farm sectors to absorb surplus labour.

Paradoxically, the non-farm sector became, and continues to be, less reliant on labour – the labour intensity of non-farm production has declined while its contribution to the economy has risen. This divergence raises questions not just about the inclusiveness of India’s growth story but also its potential to absorb labour.

In contrast to the trend in the non-farm sector, within the formal manufacturing sector, the contribution of labour to output has increased, primarily due to the increase in the number of contract workers in the last two decades – blurring the boundaries between formal and informal employment. Between 2000 and 2016, contract jobs grew at more than double the rate of regular jobs. While these contract workers are technically a part of the formal economy, they lack social security and long-term benefits.

Firms have favoured this arrangement for its flexibility in hiring and its ability to circumvent stringent dismissal norms. The 2018 India Wage Report found that over 71% of wage workers in formal enterprises lacked written contracts or social security coverage. Annual Survey of Industries (ASI) data shows that more than half of workers in formal manufacturing are informally employed. As a result, the shift to a structure where formality exists ‘on paper’ but informality prevails ‘in substance’ has deepened precarity in employment.

On the one hand, the new labour codes attempt to address the concern of insecure employment conditions through ensuring minimum wages, mandating formal appointment letters and basic social security. It has also brought in reforms for fixed-term employment, such as removing minimum years of service requirements for gratuity.

The Occupational Safety, Health and Working Conditions Code 2020 sets clear standards for a safe working environment, such as capping work hours to 8 hrs a day and mandating overtime pay at twice the normal rate. These reforms will potentially reduce the precarity of work.

On the other hand, labour laws have been simplified to streamline compliance and improve ease of doing business to expand job opportunities through higher private investments and easier firing practices. The industrial relations code allows firms with up to 300 workers to go ahead with layoffs, retrenchment and closure without government permission. These measures aim to reduce the regulatory burden on firms and increase incentives to hire labour.

Will these reforms raise the quantity and quality of work at the same time? The policy challenge is to encourage a transition from short-term, insecure contracts to stable, productive employment without increasing compliance cost for firms due to excessive regulatory rigidity.

At the same time, reversing the trend of rising capital intensity of production technology requires improving the quality of labour to further reduce the cost of hiring labour relative to mechanisation. Without a skilled labour force, with high productivity, the industry may continue to replace relatively more costly labour with machinery in the production process, reducing potential employment gains from these labour reforms.

Using simulation exercises, NCAER’s paper released this month, ‘India’s Employment Prospects: Pathways to Jobs’, suggests that strong inter-sectoral linkages of labour-intensive manufacturing and services sectors can have a multiplicative effect on employment creation in the aggregate economy by 2030. Also, increasing the share of skilled workforce through investment in formal skilling could lead to more than 13% increase in employment in the labour- intensive sectors by 2030.

Thus, a multipronged policy overhaul is essential to unlock the potential of both job growth and quality of work. While the new labour codes can stimulate increase in private investments in labour-intensive sectors, without reforms in the country’s skilling ecosystem to increase labour productivity, growth in jobs may be stymied and remain precarious.

Comprehensive labour reforms that simultaneously aim at improving the quantity and the quality of its workforce are required to move the country up the value chain. The new labour codes should be the first step in an agile and dynamic policy framework that focuses on creating a future-ready workforce.

Afridi is professor of economics, Indian Statistical Institute, Delhi, and Rangan is assistant professor, School of Management, Mahindra University. Views are personal.

MARGIN: Volume 19, Issue 2

Margin: The Journal of Applied Economic Research is a peer-reviewed bi-annual journal published jointly by NCAER & SAGE International.

Volume 19, Issue 2, November 2025 includes the following papers-

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