Understanding the Santiago Principles

The Generally Accepted Principles and Practices for sovereign wealth funds (known as the Santiago Principles) represent a notable experiment in voluntary multilateral cooperation. Yet recent critiques fundamentally misunderstand their nature and purpose, treating them as mere transparency guidelines rather than a comprehensive macro-financial governance architecture. This misreading ignores both their historical context and contemporary relevance—a particularly troubling oversight given that these funds now manage assets equivalent to approximately 12% of global GDP, up from 3-4% when the Principles were drafted, according to IMF and World Bank data.

Beyond Investment Vehicles: The Macro-Financial Reality

Traditional sovereign wealth funds are not hedge funds with flags. They are integral components of national economic management, acting as instruments for balance of payments adjustment, fiscal stabilisation, and intergenerational wealth transfer. When sovereign wealth funds accumulate assets from current account surpluses or commodity exports, they are managing national savings. When they invest these assets, they affect cross-border capital flows, exchange rates, and global imbalances. Countries accumulating current account surpluses from commodity exports or trade imbalances use sovereign funds as mechanisms for recycling these surpluses into global markets while serving domestic policy objectives—how these funds are recycled forms the core of each fund’s capital deployment framework.

This macro-financial context shaped every aspect of the drafting of the Santiago Principles. The framework recognises that fund governance cannot be divorced from fiscal rules, monetary policy coordination, or exchange rate management. A stabilisation fund managing oil revenues and prioritising liquidity operates under different macro-financial constraints than a long-term savings fund investing in infrastructure or a strategic fund supporting domestic development. The Principles accommodated this diversity while establishing common standards—a balance critics miss when demanding rigid uniformity. This macro-financial foundation necessarily creates a dual challenge for sovereign funds.

The Dual Dimension: Domestic Accountability, Global Responsibility

Uniquely, sovereign funds straddle domestic and international spheres. Domestically, they must serve national objectives, such as smoothing budget volatility, conserving commodity wealth, or supporting development. Citizens and parliaments demand accountability for managing national patrimony. Internationally, these same funds operate as major investors subject to market expectations and recipient country regulations.

The Santiago Principles reconciled these dual demands. Domestic legitimacy requires signatories to have clear objectives, robust governance, and accountability mechanisms. Internationally, they commit funds to transparency, commercial orientation, and regulatory compliance. This dual legitimacy—serving sovereign purposes while respecting international norms—represents the Principles’ core innovation.

Recipient country perspectives proved crucial in shaping this balance. The European Union’s comprehensive policy frameworks on sovereign investment, the United States’ CFIUS regulations, and other destinations’ investment screening mechanisms all influenced the Principles’ development. The Principles addressed these through governance commitments that build trust while preserving sovereign prerogatives. This grand bargain—standards for access—continues to underpin global investment flows.

Meeting these dual demands required an innovative governance approach—one that could accommodate diversity while maintaining credibility.

Framework, Not Straitjacket: Principled Flexibility

Critics who demand prescriptive rules misunderstand the guiding approach to the Principles’ design. By establishing overarching governance standards while allowing sovereign-specific implementation (as public sector governance requirements vary country by country), the framework accommodates diversity in fund types and objectives. Norway’s Government Pension Fund Global, which saves oil wealth for future generations, implements the Principles differently from GIC, which builds Singapore’s economic resilience for countercyclical intervention.

This principle-based approach mirrors other successful international frameworks. Like the OECD Guidelines for Multinational Enterprises or the UN Principles for Responsible Investment, the Santiago Principles create common standards adaptable to diverse contexts. The framework demonstrates portability: strategic investment funds focused on domestic development adapt the governance principles while acknowledging different mandates; climate funds pursuing net-zero objectives build on the transparency frameworks while incorporating sustainability metrics; infrastructure funds supporting national development apply governance standards while recognising public policy objectives.

The framework’s twenty-four principles address fundamentals—legal clarity, defined objectives, accountability structures, risk management, and appropriate transparency—without dictating operational details. This balance enables a Kuwaiti stabilisation fund focused on budget support to adopt the same principles as a Chinese investment corporation pursuing strategic assets, each implementing them appropriately for their mandate. The genius of this flexible framework became evident in how it emerged—through dialogue rather than crisis.

Preventive Diplomacy: Cooperation Through Rising Tensions

The Santiago Principles emerged from a unique moment of preventive diplomacy—not crisis management but crisis prevention. As concerns about sovereign investment mounted in 2007-2008, initiative-taking engagement prevented positions from hardening into protectionism. Unlike Basel banking standards born from bank failures or G20 reforms following the market collapse of 2008, these Principles were negotiated while tensions were rising, but before any sovereign wealth fund had triggered a systemic incident. This achievement resulted from patient, mediated dialogue among diverse sovereigns—oil exporters managing commodity windfalls, Asian surplus countries recycling trade surpluses, and Western recipients seeking investment while fearing political influence.

This preventive cooperation matters. Surplus countries understood that governance standards would facilitate international acceptance of their growing funds. Recipient countries recognised that engagement beats protectionism. The resulting framework reflected a genuine consensus achieved through patient dialogue, demonstrating that enlightened self-interest could produce effective international standards without the pressure of crisis.

The voluntary nature proved a strength, not a weakness. Soft law—voluntary guidelines without a legal enforcement mechanism enabled participation by diverse sovereigns with different legal traditions and political systems. As with principal-agent theory in economics, the Principles addressed information asymmetries between fund managers and multiple stakeholders, creating accountability mechanisms that reduce agency costs without prescriptive rules.

Importantly, this soft law has gained hard influence: the Santiago Principles are now referenced in international investment agreements, trade treaties, and regulatory frameworks, demonstrating how voluntary standards can become embedded in the legal architecture of global finance. While precise compliance metrics remain proprietary to protect commercial sensitivities, observable market behaviour, from reduced investment screening challenges to enhanced fund access to global markets, suggests meaningful adoption. Yet even the most thoughtfully designed framework faces the test of real-world shocks.

Implementation Challenges: Context Matters

The Principles’ implementation must be understood within the extraordinary shocks that followed their adoption.

The 2008 global financial crisis demanded immediate domestic fiscal responses, often drawing on sovereign wealth funds. The COVID-19 pandemic required unprecedented fiscal interventions, with many funds pivoting to domestic stabilisation. Wars in Europe and the Middle East, surging inflation, aggressive interest rate hikes, and ballooning global debt with limited fiscal space—all these shocks conditioned how sovereign wealth funds could implement governance standards while meeting urgent domestic needs.

This context explains varying approaches towards implementation better than any critique of the Principles themselves. When nations face existential economic challenges, domestic imperatives understandably take precedence. The Principles’ flexibility allowed funds to adapt while maintaining core governance standards, precisely the resilience rigid rules would have prevented.

Contemporary Relevance and Future Evolution

Today’s fractured global economy underscores the value of the Principles. As investment screening proliferates and financial weapons multiply, adherence to recognised governance standards provides crucial protection. Funds demonstrating transparency and commercial orientation face fewer political obstacles than opaque vehicles suspected of hidden agendas.

As the global economy stabilises, capital markets and asset classes find new equilibrium, and geopolitical fragmentation eventually abates, sovereign wealth funds and IFSWF members will need to reckon with a world vastly different from 2008. In keeping with the spirit in which the Principles were drafted, it must be assumed that the Principles framework will evolve to reflect the new global and domestic macro-fiscal and structural realities. Climate imperatives, digital transformation, shifting trade patterns, exchange rate preferences, and evolving development models all demand consideration.

The Principles already enable such adaptation. Climate considerations are integrated within risk management frameworks. Development mandates pursuing transparent governance structures. Domestic investment programs implement accountability standards. The framework’s flexibility accommodates evolution without requiring revolution.

Indeed, many sovereigns now establish domestic development funds alongside their traditional SWFs, funded not from surpluses but through budgets, bonds, or asset transfers. Despite different capital sources, the macro-financial and fiscal underpinnings remain remarkably similar: these funds must coordinate with monetary policy, align with fiscal frameworks, and manage public resources for long-term objectives. The Principles’ architecture proves its worth precisely because it addresses these fundamental macro-financial realities, not just specific funding mechanisms.

As new state-owned investment and development vehicles emerge—from climate and technology funds to infrastructure banks—the Principles offer a tested template. Their balance of standardisation and flexibility, their reconciliation of domestic and international legitimacy, and their demonstration that voluntary cooperation can produce effective governance all provide lessons for managing sovereign capital in an interconnected world.

Conclusion: The Next Chapter

The Santiago Principles deserve recognition as a comprehensive governance architecture and international soft law, not outdated transparency guidelines. They embedded fund governance within macro-financial frameworks while accommodating sovereign diversity. They balanced domestic accountability with international legitimacy. They achieved multilateral cooperation through preventive diplomacy.

Seventeen years later, the Principles have proven their worth not through rigid adherence but through principled adaptation. As sovereign wealth funds continue their growth trajectory since 2008, their macro-financial role and governance matters more than ever. The question is not whether the Principles need revision, but how their evolutionary framework can guide the next generation of sovereign-owned financial vehicles.

Critics who focus on narrow governance mechanics while ignoring this broader context miss the forest for the trees. The real test ahead is whether the spirit of multilateral cooperation that created the Principles can survive in our fragmenting world. If it can, the Santiago Principles will continue to provide architecture for recycling global surpluses in ways that serve both sovereign purposes and systemic stability. That would be a legacy worth defending—and building upon.

Udaibir Das is a Visiting Professor at the National Council of Applied Economic Research, Senior Non-Resident Adviser at the Bank of England, Senior Adviser of the International Forum for Sovereign Wealth Funds, and Distinguished Fellow at the Observer Research Foundation America. He was previously at the Bank for International Settlements, the International Monetary Fund and the Reserve Bank of India. The views expressed are personal and in no manner attributed to the IFSWF Secretariat or Board.

Methodology for Assessing Skill Shortages and Gaps

In the present era, characterised by an overwhelming pace of technological changes, especially with Artificial Intelligence (AI) likely to come into play in every sector, skilling, reskilling and upskilling will be key to address the changing nature of goods and services in demand. The objective of the present exercise is to evolve a dynamic and flexible methodology which can be applied uniformly across various sectors of the economy to identify skill shortages and skill gaps.

The model is aimed at assessing, anticipating and adapting skills at both national, state and local levels at regular intervals to enable the skilling eco-system to also evolve with technology to ensure the employability of the existing and future workforce.

Several rounds of studies were carried out earlier to assess skill shortages and gaps, but every such exercise was carried out using a different methodology, making it challenging for the policymakers to have a holistic view on the skill demand and supply. Further, while individual sectors are able to make forecasts for their sectors, there are occupations that are in demand across sectors. It is necessary to capture those occupations that cut across sectors.

This document contributes towards developing a uniform and standardised methodology to help assess skill shortage and gaps across sectors.Methodology for Assessing Skill Shortages and Gaps Presentation

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National Skill Gap Study for High Growth Sectors

The Ministry of Skill Development and Entrepreneurship (MSDE) had undertaken the study titled ‘National Skill Gap Study for High Growth Sectors’ under the Skills Acquisition and Knowledge Awareness for Livelihood Promotion (SANKALP) programme. This study was undertaken by the National Council of Applied Economic Research (NCAER).

The primary aim of the study is to create a dynamic framework for skill gap assessment that can be regularly updated to predict skill requirements in line with the evolving economic landscape. To ensure uniformity and standardisation a methodology for conducting demand assessments at both sectoral and State levels has been developed. This effort will significantly inform the design of skill initiatives at the national and State levels.National Skill Gap Study for High Growth Sectors

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Urbanisation and the challenge of ideal transit solutions

Planners in India need to look at whether they are investing in the most sustainable and cost-effective transit solutions.

Among the various aspects of Viksit Bharat by 2047, an urbanised India is sure to be a principal one as it is expected that urban India will be the engine of growth in this transformation. Let us note that over 60% of India’s population would move from low-productive rural India to highly productive urban India by the 2060s.

Clearly, the mobility of people on such a large scale within cities, from their residential quarters to work areas, will be a test for urban planners. While policymakers have plans to construct smart cities, where the need for the mobility of workers will be substantially reduced, the fact remains that, unlike China, we do not see many of the newly emerging smart cities coming of age. In contrast, the metros/existing tier 1 cities are on an ever-expanding spree, leading to rising challenges for policymakers, such as meeting the transportation demand of workers.

Rising to the challenge

The government is increasingly focused on augmenting the public transport system to meet the urban mobility challenge. This year’s Budget saw the launch of the PM e-Bus Sewa-Payment Security Mechanism, with the aim of improving urban bus transportation in India (nearly 10,000 urban buses). The PM Electric Drive Revolution in Innovative Vehicle Enhancement (PM e-Drive) scheme was introduced, which will support the procurement of 14,000 new e-buses, 1,10,000 e-rickshaws, e-trucks, and e-ambulances. However, according to estimates, India needs 2,00,000 urban buses, but only 35,000 are operational (including e-buses). This is far below the requirement.

Another initiative has been the greater emphasis on building metro networks and a higher allocation of funds in multiple metro/tier I cities to cater to the high density. This is in line with the trend seen in the recent Budget.

However, as the Economic Survey that was released on the eve of the Budget on January31, has cited, only 37% of urban residents in India have easy access to public transportation. In contrast, in Brazil and China, more than 50% of urban residents have convenient access to mass transit. Clearly, India is too far behind in developing an efficient public system.

The development of a metro network is a long-term and costly venture. Much of it has been developed with the Centre’s funding. And invariably, most have yet to recover their total costs (which includes fixed and operational costs). In almost all metros, the ridership projected in the project document has still to be matched. So, recovering the cost may be a difficult proposition unless the route lies along a high-density route. Also, it has been observed that users are extremely fare sensitive — a fare rise invariably leads toa fall in footfalls. Invariably, consumers seek out their ways keeping in mind comfort, time and cost due to the high cost of last-mile connectivity from metro stations to their work/residence points.

Unlike in some developed countries where public transport is highly subsidised in order to make metro transportation cheap, our government is not financially rich enough to dole out recurrent and large subsidies.

Seeking alternatives

India also needs cost-effective, road-based public transport for better last-mile connectivity. This year’s Budget has increased allocations for urban bus systems, thus continuing efforts to boost capacity, especially in the metros. However, private investment remains limited due to uncertain returns. Government funds have shifted from CNG to more expensive e-buses. Future bottom-up transport models may focus on road-based modes that use electric, CNG, hydrogen, or biofuel technologies. Yet, they often overlook trams and trolleybuses, which, based on a life cycle cost and revenue analysis, can outperform e-buses in financial terms and deserve serious policy consideration in India’s urban transport planning.

Some estimates

Revenue generation and economic viability over time are the necessary parameters to estimate whether urban road-based public transport has a financial deficit or is making aprofit in its life cycle. Analysing the profit and loss (P&L) percentages for various public transport modes will help in accurate decision-making on adopting a future transit. We find that trams show a 45% long-term profitability over seven decades, the usual life cycleof the tram, along with scalability and alignment with climate goals. In contrast, an e-bus system, which is currently the preferred mode on Indian roads, fails to maintain profitability due to high operational and replacement costs, resulting in a net loss of 82% over seven decades. Though moderately efficient, trolleybuses fall short of matching the overall benefits of trams, incurring a minimal loss over the specified time frame.

This raises a critical question. Are we truly investing in the most sustainable and cost-effective transit solutions, or are we chasing a future dependent on continuous public subsidies? The planned introduction of trams in Kochi could mark a game-changing moment in India’s urban mobility story. Reviving our past is not just a nostalgic choice of what Kolkata thinks — it is a smart and timely move toward a more sustainable and financially viable transport future.

Sanjib Pohit is with the National Council of Applied Economic Research, New Delhi. Sovini Mondal is with the National Council of Applied Economic Research, New Delhi. The views expressed are personal

A Long-Term Financial Inclusion Strategy for Viksit Bharat:Sustained Digital Literacy, Trust, and Access for All

This paper proposes a multidimensional strategy for advancing financial inclusion in India as a cornerstone of the nation’s Viksit Bharat@2047 vision. It argues that inclusion must evolve from a metric of access to a transformative tool of economic citizenship—anchored in sustained literacy, institutional trust, equitable access, and user empowerment. India has made remarkable progress in expanding financial services. With over 54 crore Jan Dhan accounts, widespread use of the Unified Payments Interface (UPI), and targetted government schemes such as PMMY, APY, and PMSBY, formal financial access has increased across geographies and demographics. However, this infrastructural reach has not always translated into meaningful engagement. Inactive accounts, persistent gender and rural gaps, limited digital literacy, and deep-seated mistrust continue to hinder effective inclusion, especially among women, persons with disabilities, and low-income households.

This paper conceptualises a shift from infrastructural inclusion to functional and resilient inclusion. It proposes four interdependent pillars as the foundation for long-term financial inclusion: (a) Sustained digital and financial literacy: financial literacy must be continuous, contextualised, and adaptive across life stages—delivered in local languages and formats tailored to diverse user needs; (b) Trustworthy institutions and transparent service delivery: building trust requires fair, culturally sensitive, and linguistically accessible services supported by strong grievance redress mechanisms and algorithmic accountability; (c) Inclusive technology design: digital tools must be accessible by default, incorporating universal design principles to serve users with disabilities, low literacy, or limited connectivity; and (d) Community-led financial ecosystems: community institutions such as SHGs, cooperatives, and panchayats must be embedded in policy design and service delivery to ensure credibility, ownership, and sustainability. The paper offers a comprehensive framework involving coordinated governance among regulators (RBI, SEBI, IRDAI, PFRDA, and IEPFA), enhanced financial literacy convergence, and rights-based legal safeguards. It advocates for embedding equity through targetted policy instruments, such as a National Disability Financial Inclusion Strategy, a Unified Inclusion Dashboard, and localised outreach models. The paper concludes by emphasising that financial inclusion for Viksit Bharat must be a sustained institutional commitment, rooted in participation, protection, provisioning, and permanence. It is not merely a vehicle for economic growth, but a democratic imperative for building a just and resilient financial future.

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